Wednesday, April 30, 2008

Thulesummit -k-summit

Democratic Left do??


After the crushing defeat of 13 and 14 April, is the inescapable question: is still the Democratic Left? We think that it can serve, because in Italy there is a political, social and cultural to the left of PD, and why during the election campaign cadres and militants of SD have been shown to be numerous and combative.
To revive the initiative to SD, but we must retrieve two central elements in our original proposal - the culture of government and social identity - abandoned in the subsequent dramatic months, and you have to give a structure, leggera e democratica, al nostro movimento.
Il 5 maggio dell'anno scorso parlammo (tra l'altro) di una "sinistra di governo". Questa non c'è stata nell'ultimo biennio, e non per nostra responsabilità. Sia ben chiaro, non parliamo di una sinistra che voglia governare ad ogni costo, e che subordini tutto alla conquista e al mantenimento del potere. Questa è stata la strada seguita dalla maggioranza dei DS prima e dal PD poi. Ha portato anche loro a una pesante sconfitta.
Parliamo di una sinistra che parta dai suoi ideali e dai suoi valori, e da una cultura critica del mondo in cui viviamo. Ma che sappia tradurre gli uni e l'altra anzitutto nel radicamento nella società, in secondo luogo in concrete indicazioni per il cambiamento, Finally, a credible policy proposal, from alliances (political and social). And then you put the goal of building a new center-left.
Second question. We called the Socialist Democratic Left. " But the second part of our name has disappeared. Go back and re-launched. Even in Italy because there is a world socialist (political culture, and a potential electorate) is certainly not restricted to the zero point something percent. E 'possible to say that our social identities poses a problem to some of the forces with which it built the new Left Party. But this difficulty is not a sufficient reason to remove the theme. Also because it would be reductive called socialism only to define organizational identity or affiliation. Socialism today is to make the issue of governance, in terms that we have tried before indicating briefly. Moreover, if we were in another European country would be in the Socialist Party of that country, and constitute the left wing.
Finally, the course of the next few weeks. We must assume some fundamental political choices, and the resulting actions on the ground and from the other leftist parties and decide the necessary renewal of the management team, ensuring the presence in the territory.
The idea that it would be useless, even harmful, perhaps a minimum of rules and structure (to avoid to establish a new "small parties") has proof of the facts revealed at an illusion. The illusion of having more time, however, and the illusion that the new political entity of the Left (unitary and plural) was at hand. So it was not and is not.
why we believe that the Democratic Left should adopt immediately a structure, light and democratic. How to do it?
Among the many broken promises of the Democratic Left is definitely one of a new way of doing politics. The critical reduction oligarchic democratic processes, the lack of participation by members and activists, the decision-making fora restricted and opaque was decisive in the choice for many to get out of DS with the last Congress. We thought that in PD non sarebbe andata meglio. Anche per questo abbiamo scelto un'altra strada. Ma quella che abbiamo preso non ha realizzato le speranze.
Pensiamo che, dopo la catastrofe del voto, la musica debba cambiare. Abbiamo affrontato una campagna elettorale difficilissima. Compagne e compagni in tutto il paese si sono battuti fino all'ultimo, per un risultato che diventava ogni giorno più difficile. Ora, dopo il terremoto, a loro dobbiamo rivolgerci perché indichino la strada da seguire e scelgano il nuovo gruppo dirigente.
Per questo non ci persuade l'idea di tornare al Comitato promotore, perché elegga un altro coordinatore, che formi una nuova presidenza, che apra un dibattito dai contorni e delle modalità imprecisate. Il Comitato promotore was and is largely a direct filiation of the congress DS. He must have a transitional function, and this is our provisional state - available on the site - only assigns the task to "launch the process of joining the Movement." That phase is behind us. E 'right and proper to participate and decide on the choices of today are the companions and comrades today, here and now, or have confirmed their choices and took to the field.
propose another route to SD. An innovative path, a piece of policy reform. Territorial assemblies convene as soon as possible, for instance at the provincial level, of all her friends and comrades who have joined the SD, participated in the election campaign, and intend to continue their commitment to our movement. Meetings are open to all who wish to participate and contribute to the left. Assemblies which would be for us the equivalent of a large project on the Democratic primary because convened to discuss politics, and not for the unanimous election of a leader. And, on the basis of political debate, are to elect their representatives to a great national assembly called upon to decide by June, the political line and the new national leadership.
We left and we need real change. And we can not allow other errors. The first mistake would be not to speak, to decide really, to all those who have earned that right on the field.
Cesare Salvi and Massimo Villone Organizing Committee SD-

Impotence Causes More Condition_symptoms

Now's Democratic Left


The most significant and worrying consequence of the vote on 13 and 14 April - first to still in the near absence Parliament declared a force on the left - was the overwhelming victory of the right. Neither right nor a moderate conservative with a European, but simply populist. The long political transition that began in our country with tangentopoli and the dissolution of the traditional mass parties in the late 80s, can not be said to be complete, however, seems to have come close of its likely closure. It therefore seems simplistic to any scheme of interpretation of the results of recent elections if you do not dig deep to understand what the economic, cultural and socio-political for closure "right" of a long transition period marked by the growing phenomenon of globalization, job insecurity and social fragmentation.
the second half of the seventies the Keynesian model, who had married the growth and development with the welfare of the community was gradually replaced, and not only in our country, from a model where the economy has not been governed by politics. The laws of the market have since taken over and the increase in GDP has increasingly been the main measure of growth and development of a blur. Why the GDP alone does not measure well-being of men and women or their quality of life. In fact, parallel to GDP is often increased misery and also has expanded the gap between rich and poor and between north and south.
In recent years in our country have changed profoundly personal and collective identity. E 'changed is the sense of citizenship that they belong to. The political fact is that twenty years ago, the elections of June 1987, emerged again two big blocks. The first, represented by the electoral strength of the DC in that year still reached 34.3% of the vote. The second, which is concentrated in the two leftist parties, the PCI and PSI, which together exceeded the ceiling of 40.8% of the vote. Today the Democratic Party - which like the DC is configured as a center of inter-party (looking left?) - A consensus similar to that of DC (33.7%), while the left has disappeared and took his place, with over 50% of the votes, a bloc of center-right parties in a political subject, the PDL, is a populist right-wing capable of concentrating on themselves more than 38% of the vote. Some speak of a true anthropological mutation occurred in our country over the past twenty years. Veltroni said today that the contractor is a worker as gli altri, anzi un lavoratore che rischia. Montezemolo gli fa eco rispondendo che i lavoratori preferiscono l’impresa ai sindacati. L’uno definisce “ambientalisti del no” gran parte degli ecologisti. L’altro apostrofa i sindacalisti quali “professionisti del veto”. Entrambi reclamano un paese nuovo, più veloce, un paese capace di crescere, cioè di far crescere il PIL. La Lega Nord, che presenta il più vecchio simbolo sulla scheda elettorale (sic!), sfonda nelle roccaforti storiche delle lotte sindacali e del movimento operaio organizzato, dove sono in atto profonde ristrutturazioni, e finanche in Emilia (7.1%). Al voto dei qualunquisti e dei protestatari la Lega aggiunge e consolida anche quello many workers are accustomed to asserting their rights.
The left, cleared by Parliament, had no prior sense of defeat which was going probably because they did not understand what happened in our country and therefore did not understand the needs, concerns and fears of those who he wanted to represent. The Rainbow Left has appeared a sinister "artificial." An election sign, not a political entity capable of responding, which has relied too much certainty in identity that would have ensured a "resistance" that never happened. The separation by mutual consent of the forces of the old center, the disappointment of the Government Prodi, the opposition and excessive desire for cathartic confidence in a hard core non-existent now, had the sole effect in the end, to consider "useless" to the Rainbow Left's vote on 13 and 14 April.
And then what to do. The PDCI and gone. The Greens are likely to evaporate. I agree with those who say that we can not wait passively for the Communist Refoundation play its conference ... and then decide. Some people think. I think simply to cheer Vendola Vendola not much use because it will not go to Congress with a motion that involves the dissolution of the PRC. And then, I wonder if the Congress wins Vendola what will happen? Melt il partito dopo? Dopo aver vinto il congresso ed essere diventato segretario? Certo che no. Ed allora? Ed allora è possibile che chiederà a chi è fuori di costruire all’interno di Rifondazione la nuova sinistra. E’ questo che vogliamo? E se invece Vendola perde… cosa accadrà? O se invece lo scontro in atto, cosa molto probabile a mio avviso, si trasformerà in mediazione? Insomma tutto questo mi convince che non possiamo e non dobbiamo attendere. E mi convince che il movimento della Sinistra Democratica può avere un ruolo da svolgere se non apparirà più come un soggetto politico“virtuale”, come qualcuno ci ha definito in campagna elettorale, e se da subito si farà promotore di una costituente left-wing grass-roots participation and guided by a new management team.
Raffaele Porta-Regional Coordinator of Campania

Thursday, April 17, 2008

Washington Dc Escorts

Antonio Bossone


Antonio Bossone shoot zero on the failure of the Rainbow Left, in particular on the failure of Aurisicchio election, the outgoing Parliament that the city government has hired more than a battle "were punished by the people, were out of time.." grin on debacle of the "gauche" Irpinia and the former mayor of Loreto "But where are the documents that had Aurisicchio pack?." He also talks about local issues "At this point we can not lose more time behind the controversy from little shop of these exponents that the people at both local and national level has failed, I hope that they understand the lesson and stay at home. "Bossone looks ahead to the time of Berlusconi and the new fiscal federalism, by initiating a new challenge," We can not wait any longer , have a conception of reality amministratiova asphyxiated, but we must reflect and catch up with the change, trasformazioni.Dobbiamo to enact a reform of the administrative machine that looks to the country changes, the need to ensure improvements in living conditions, I think solare.Per do all the town, which is a must start investing, get involved, not only focusing on weakly bonded represented by the transfer of State, but betting on a reorganization that starts on resources umane.I employees are the focal point and the most important of this new concezione.Ma that should help to create the conditions I mentioned earlier, coming out of that idea to hold the body a place for political power or worse. "Fixed specific stages of the former mayor and leader of the majority" as early as next programmatic report must contain this change, or we may not run with the country changing. "Finally, a thrust on Communities Montane "I hope nellarco of 5 or 6 months the new government the face disappear, particularly those where the mountain communities are not represented, where resources to finance only end salaries of those who only entered politics as a month. "A river in flood, a volcano, the former mayor who is preparing the meeting with the approval of the budget later this month.
courier Irpinia

Wednesday, April 16, 2008

Breast Cysts Causes More Condition_symptoms

is unleashed against the Left and now? we depart / 2 the left may


On 14 April 2008, the 900 is finished. Socialism and Communism, the great cultural currents and large movements of struggle and that the two words conjure up that characterized the century and gave way to short, straight out of the political horizon our country. The Third Republic, of which the election seems to mark the beginning was born without a left-wing politics.
This came on the same days as the FAO report, which alarmed in tutto il mondo c’è carestia – fenomeno che ci avevano detto che nella modernità non si sarebbe presentato - e i media, anche se relegandole in terzo e quarto piano, danno notizia di sommosse e morti per il pane in diversi paesi di questo pianeta. Senza dire che anche in questi giorni all’ininterrotta catena delle morti sul lavoro in terra italiana si sono saldati altri anelli.
Sembra dunque uno scherzo della Storia che la sinistra esca dalla scena parlamentare italiana proprio quando, per scongiurare la tragedia che incombe sul mondo ed anche sul nostro paese, di lei c’è maggiormente bisogno.
Il soprassalto d’ordine che sta sotto i risultati elettorali del nostro paese, in particolare delle regioni "Rich," points out that, faced with the announcement that the pressure on the "rich" countries of migration of the poor is likely to increase and with the finding that the effects of the recession triggered by U.S. sub-prime run down on us, the tendency to withdraw into their individualism is also contaminating levels of society in which solidarity was more at home. This is nothing new: When you include the sad times, if not born on the left at the prospect of an answer, you look right. Which - I teach history - is fraught with risks.
The grounds for which a plausible answer was not about to the left will open a debate and a settling of scores that is easy to predict will be more fierce as it will be inconclusive. There should be reasons to avoid pinning quotas, more of tactics than strategy, more than that brief moment of wide-ranging, to look deep into the reasons why the Rainbow The Left did not appear credible.
The first and most obvious is that the attempt was strangled at birth by the fall of the government crisis and the dissolution of the rooms. It must be recognized, however, that the formations that have brought this experience occurred appointment, as most, some less, largely unprepared. Why the need innovation there.
The crisis of democracy, that of representation, the 'weakening of the nation-state are not contingent facts, are among the outcomes of the declining phase of the parable of modernity. We are at a transition era: interpretative paradigms, conceptual categories and forms of action, which the party form, valid for one time, are now outdated. In a complex society in which the web of relationships grows and multiplies the number of judgments, reaction times become longer as the speed is a requirement, the question arises of how the institutions.
Veltroni and his entourage, Berlusconi presented their solution. Both, despite some differences in the same direction: a societal level, the liquefaction of subjectivity and their merger into a single identity and indistinct, that of citizenship at the political level, the simplification of the framework through the formation of aggregations not uniform, but compact, in which identities are diluted up to fade, and focussed on the role of leader as a condition for the bipolar functions. Of the two possible solutions
chose to taper the pyramid of power, concentrating it. We may call this model of democracy or despotism despotism democratic, depending on how you will handle. This is all about.
The other solution, to break the closed society in which individualism is fragmented under the pressure dell'iperliberismo, another poisonous fruit of the crisis of modernity, and to revive the power of subjectivity, enhance the richness of diversity of social subjects , structure in the power network by multiplying the points where it is decided, then the participation by a given practical and effective, this other solution, the left has not proposed. Nor, perhaps, he thought. Here he is in my opinion the root cause of the defeat of the Rainbow. The others, the failure of government experience, the lack of enthusiasm of some components, the rivalries e quant’altro, che pure ci sono state, contano assai meno.
Da qui dobbiamo partire.
L’innovazione che Veltroni e Berlusconi hanno proposto aderisce al vecchio paradigma della modernità e ne accetta tutte le conseguenze, cercando il primo solo di attenuarne l’impatto, se può; proponendo l’altro l’esaltazione dell’individualismo, crepi chi non ce la fa. Ambedue invocano la “crescita”, negandone la carica distruttrice per le persone e per l’ambiente.
La sfida che la sinistra ha di fronte è apprestare e praticare un paradigma nuovo della modernità. Su questo la sinistra deve rifondare la sua cultura. Un paradigma nel quale convergano gli apporti della Marx and the lesson of feminism, the fundamental contribution to ecology and not least of pacifism, a paradigm of science and technology able to finalize the liberation of women, men and nature, removing them from the rule of capital. A paradigm that serves to interpret reality and to transform it.
April 14 is over the short century. Not history.
The planet, in the words of Domenico De Masi, is at a crossroads: either the desperation of the hungry of the world put an end to the madness of the West and will require changing economy model (see globalization) and assets of the companies (see market society), or the environmental balance will break irreparably.
alternative but there could be: that is the West to put an end to his madness.
The left may try. Indeed it should. The road course is uphill. But the nature groaning women and men who have asked to go along
We must therefore start from scratch. But not zero, because energy, movement, knowledge to reconstruct the left there.

National Laser Sailboats

future and now? it starts: drive with no ifs or buts


And 'the only way to cope all''onda abnormal "which was struck on the left. The maelstrom that led to this wave anomaly is deep and goes beyond the immediate limits and errors committed in this bell election. The reasons for the defeat from afar, must be analyzed and understood. It requires just a choice of units and not just to avoid going to the details of the mote in search of a neighbor. We can not wait, you have to chase the story, but at the same time, analysis and research should be taking the fight militant and political commitment to understand, with our people, what happened in the depths of Italian society.
not "a fate cynical and cheat" or have a military coup ousted the Left and the Socialists from parliament, but a democratic vote. We have ditched the solicitation and voting useful, but this reinforces the fact that the vote closes la storia della Prima Repubblica e ci consegna un quadro politico dove il conflitto sociale viene espulso dalle istituzioni.
I Partiti oggi presenti nel Parlamento, a partire dai due maggiori PD, PdL hanno proposto un modello di democrazia che non nasce dal conflitto sociale, che è la base della democrazia, ma sul patto tra produttori, la negazione del conflitto. Si afferma così una “democrazia autoritaria”. La sinistra deve ripartire da questa analisi, fronteggiare questo fenomeno per ricostruire il radicamento oggi devastato, di cui la sconfitta elettorale è solo l’aspetto emergente.
Nel Veneto i fenomeni presenti a livello nazionale appaiono ancora più accentuati: forte è la nostra sconfitta, il consenso the Democratic Party remains stagnant, even flex 2% in Padua and Rovigo, widens the gap between the center and center-disruptive is a statement of the League.
The failure of the Democratic Party on the assumption of the conquest of consensus on moderate option is clear, just in Vicenza, where he produced most of this proposal: the application Calearo has no effect, even here recorded the highest growth gap between the center right and center left, from 22% in 2006, passing the current 28%. The idea of \u200b\u200bconquering evil workers through their employers on the grounds of their subordination collapses miserably in Vicenza.
The League, which in 2006 was 11%, doubles, Padua and Rovigo, triples its electoral strength. In Verona, nearly 33% and is the first party to Vicenza, Verona, Treviso and Belluno.
must wonder what has happened in these 24 months and how much of this earthquake comes from afar. The effect of the Prodi government, non-response to the hopes and expectations had a devastating aspect, with the consent of not only bleeding from Forza Italy and the center-left but also left the League. We are not dealing with a protest vote, but has radicalized a deep dissatisfaction that goes from Rome, the immigrant, the grass greener on the nearby Trentino and Friuli. The Veneto Galan and the League is a region in solution: the common border with Trentino and Friuli promote and vote overwhelmingly for annexation referendum to other regions with special status. The crisis broke
the mechanisms of solidarity and social cohesion and identity crisis and certainty of the future. In a region where there has been a wider and more violent change of social condition, in the rapid passage from the 50s to 60s, from poverty of tenant farmers and sharecroppers and emigration, full employment, with widespread duplication of work, the small and large bank account of the worker and the young master, from stable to "suburban" was passed, back in the '90s, uncertainty. The reading of insecurity means that fathers are no longer sure that the children will be better than them, as it has for three decades.
When the League breaks with popular consent, so widespread, and in particular, in an even more marked in the strongholds of union struggle and the organized labor movement, as Valdagno, Conegliano or Schio, it means that the worker and small business concerns and problems arise in the hands of the League. The league grows where major restructuring is underway, the Marzotto, all'Elettrolux, the Zoppas, in many small and medium-sized companies in relocating to the east and the third world that involves workers and small artisans.
We are not facing "people" who protest, but the people and workers used to fight and claim rights. This is where the most dramatic historical break and for the left who is the focus of fierce fighting social condition puts his hand in the League is aware that the League has in its program in their practice and the relationship between politics and social conflict. This worker knows that the League, as the PD and the PDL Calearo Berlusconi, are to respond to the crisis of purchasing power, with productivity bonuses, which in small business, as in the large company in crisis are not negotiable . He knows that the fight against insecurity is not the policy choices of the League. Here is a first and irremediable breakdown of solidarity. But these questions not answered in the PD, the left is far away, the union ineffective. In this context, is the split between social status and political space is not a protest, but the belief-superstructural illusion that the change - the end of thieving Rome, federalism, fewer immigrants, not afraid to work and the different - the policy abstracted from the social struggle, can renew hope and certainty of change. A people accustomed to the restraint, but not conservative - the Venetian DC was not conservative but a moderate party, even the manufacturer of dramatic change and social and economic innovation - enter into an orbit with implications for the conservation and populist instincts eversive.
Su questo terreno si rompe il nesso tra la lotta sociale e la politica e si apre la spirale perversa di una democrazia autoritaria che espelle dalle sedi istituzionali il conflitto sociale.
Si ripete inoltre, nel Veneto, un fenomeno permanente: l’incapacità di dare continuità politica ai movimenti. Anche rispetto a questo il Veneto rappresenta uno spaccato più accentuato di una questione nazionale. Negli ultimi anni, il movimento per la pace ha avuto un estensione ed un’intensità fortissime. Oltre alle grandi manifestazioni, anche nell’ultima frazione del paese più sperso sventolavano alle finestre le bandiere arcobaleno della pace. Il movimento era costruito dal basso molto spesso da singoli o associazioni Catholic parishes and in many places of spontaneous aggregation. The fight against the U.S. base of Vicenza has been the culmination of this movement. The choices of government indecision and hesitation of the left led to a break with the movement standing and deep-rooted mistrust. Broke the continuity between the policy and movement, and drive back growth and a policy change because of this break. But it was, on the ground in the fight for the environment, for the No Mose and the many rich experiences and grown in the area.
The left, in this phase of history fails to weave social issues, labor conflicts, ecological movements, battles for civil rights la politica, non riesce a dare sbocco politico istituzionale a lotte e movimenti che crescono nel territorio.
Nasce da qui l’espulsione del conflitto dalle istituzioni, da qui l’espulsione della sinistra dal Parlamento.
Siamo perciò di fronte a un lavoro di analisi e di ricostruzione di legami organizzativi e di radicamento sociale di lunga durata, che ha bisogno subito però di unità. Non c’è rappresentanza nel Parlamento, e questo è molto grave, ma rimane una fitta rete di donne e uomini militanti nel territorio che si salda con i livelli istituzionali locali e che non può essere dispersa in mille rivoli di diverse e rissose esperienze politiche. Militanza, saperi conoscenza del territorio delle contraddizioni social and workplace networking that goes back to the road of struggle and testing.

Thursday, April 10, 2008

Tomomi Ukumori indigo .rar

Bossone lawsuit Corbisiero


- "I learned yesterday that the junta has given the mandate to assess conditions for a lawsuit against me for some statements to the press, but I do not want controversy to Mayor Vito Bossone remember the words of a great Enlightenment , Voltaire, "do not agree with your idea, but I'll give my life because you can express it." Thus James Corbo said at the time of the junta that has given the mandate to terminate the legal representative of the Rainbow Left for an article that appeared in March scorso.Una affair that threatens to become a case on the eve del voto,anche perché la platea dell’Auditorium della Collegiata,gremita per la manifestazione di chiusura della campagna elettorale ha tributato al giovane esponente di Sinistra Democratica una standing ovation,quando chiudendo il suo intervento,insolitamente soft,ha ricordato questa vicenda.Tra amministrazione e Sinistra si apre un contenzioso,non più solo politico,ma anche giudiziario.Una nuova strategia quella dell’Amministrazione,perché Corbisiero può quantomeno essere contento di stare in buona ed illustre compagnia.Nel mirino dei legali dell’Ente sono già finiti il direttore di uno dei maggiori quotidiani italiani Ezio Mauro e Raffaele Aurisicchio,il parlamentare di Sd anche lui presente ieri alla manifestazione di party.

Sunday, April 6, 2008

Roamabout Csicd-aw-128

April 6, 2008 left the rainbow meets voters Lauro