And 'the only way to cope all''onda abnormal "which was struck on the left. The maelstrom that led to this wave anomaly is deep and goes beyond the immediate limits and errors committed in this bell election. The reasons for the defeat from afar, must be analyzed and understood. It requires just a choice of units and not just to avoid going to the details of the mote in search of a neighbor. We can not wait, you have to chase the story, but at the same time, analysis and research should be taking the fight militant and political commitment to understand, with our people, what happened in the depths of Italian society.
not "a fate cynical and cheat" or have a military coup ousted the Left and the Socialists from parliament, but a democratic vote. We have ditched the solicitation and voting useful, but this reinforces the fact that the vote closes la storia della Prima Repubblica e ci consegna un quadro politico dove il conflitto sociale viene espulso dalle istituzioni.
I Partiti oggi presenti nel Parlamento, a partire dai due maggiori PD, PdL hanno proposto un modello di democrazia che non nasce dal conflitto sociale, che è la base della democrazia, ma sul patto tra produttori, la negazione del conflitto. Si afferma così una “democrazia autoritaria”. La sinistra deve ripartire da questa analisi, fronteggiare questo fenomeno per ricostruire il radicamento oggi devastato, di cui la sconfitta elettorale è solo l’aspetto emergente.
Nel Veneto i fenomeni presenti a livello nazionale appaiono ancora più accentuati: forte è la nostra sconfitta, il consenso the Democratic Party remains stagnant, even flex 2% in Padua and Rovigo, widens the gap between the center and center-disruptive is a statement of the League.
The failure of the Democratic Party on the assumption of the conquest of consensus on moderate option is clear, just in Vicenza, where he produced most of this proposal: the application Calearo has no effect, even here recorded the highest growth gap between the center right and center left, from 22% in 2006, passing the current 28%. The idea of \u200b\u200bconquering evil workers through their employers on the grounds of their subordination collapses miserably in Vicenza.
The League, which in 2006 was 11%, doubles, Padua and Rovigo, triples its electoral strength. In Verona, nearly 33% and is the first party to Vicenza, Verona, Treviso and Belluno.
must wonder what has happened in these 24 months and how much of this earthquake comes from afar. The effect of the Prodi government, non-response to the hopes and expectations had a devastating aspect, with the consent of not only bleeding from Forza Italy and the center-left but also left the League. We are not dealing with a protest vote, but has radicalized a deep dissatisfaction that goes from Rome, the immigrant, the grass greener on the nearby Trentino and Friuli. The Veneto Galan and the League is a region in solution: the common border with Trentino and Friuli promote and vote overwhelmingly for annexation referendum to other regions with special status. The crisis broke
the mechanisms of solidarity and social cohesion and identity crisis and certainty of the future. In a region where there has been a wider and more violent change of social condition, in the rapid passage from the 50s to 60s, from poverty of tenant farmers and sharecroppers and emigration, full employment, with widespread duplication of work, the small and large bank account of the worker and the young master, from stable to "suburban" was passed, back in the '90s, uncertainty. The reading of insecurity means that fathers are no longer sure that the children will be better than them, as it has for three decades.
When the League breaks with popular consent, so widespread, and in particular, in an even more marked in the strongholds of union struggle and the organized labor movement, as Valdagno, Conegliano or Schio, it means that the worker and small business concerns and problems arise in the hands of the League. The league grows where major restructuring is underway, the Marzotto, all'Elettrolux, the Zoppas, in many small and medium-sized companies in relocating to the east and the third world that involves workers and small artisans.
We are not facing "people" who protest, but the people and workers used to fight and claim rights. This is where the most dramatic historical break and for the left who is the focus of fierce fighting social condition puts his hand in the League is aware that the League has in its program in their practice and the relationship between politics and social conflict. This worker knows that the League, as the PD and the PDL Calearo Berlusconi, are to respond to the crisis of purchasing power, with productivity bonuses, which in small business, as in the large company in crisis are not negotiable . He knows that the fight against insecurity is not the policy choices of the League. Here is a first and irremediable breakdown of solidarity. But these questions not answered in the PD, the left is far away, the union ineffective. In this context, is the split between social status and political space is not a protest, but the belief-superstructural illusion that the change - the end of thieving Rome, federalism, fewer immigrants, not afraid to work and the different - the policy abstracted from the social struggle, can renew hope and certainty of change. A people accustomed to the restraint, but not conservative - the Venetian DC was not conservative but a moderate party, even the manufacturer of dramatic change and social and economic innovation - enter into an orbit with implications for the conservation and populist instincts eversive.
Su questo terreno si rompe il nesso tra la lotta sociale e la politica e si apre la spirale perversa di una democrazia autoritaria che espelle dalle sedi istituzionali il conflitto sociale.
Si ripete inoltre, nel Veneto, un fenomeno permanente: l’incapacità di dare continuità politica ai movimenti. Anche rispetto a questo il Veneto rappresenta uno spaccato più accentuato di una questione nazionale. Negli ultimi anni, il movimento per la pace ha avuto un estensione ed un’intensità fortissime. Oltre alle grandi manifestazioni, anche nell’ultima frazione del paese più sperso sventolavano alle finestre le bandiere arcobaleno della pace. Il movimento era costruito dal basso molto spesso da singoli o associazioni Catholic parishes and in many places of spontaneous aggregation. The fight against the U.S. base of Vicenza has been the culmination of this movement. The choices of government indecision and hesitation of the left led to a break with the movement standing and deep-rooted mistrust. Broke the continuity between the policy and movement, and drive back growth and a policy change because of this break. But it was, on the ground in the fight for the environment, for the No Mose and the many rich experiences and grown in the area.
The left, in this phase of history fails to weave social issues, labor conflicts, ecological movements, battles for civil rights la politica, non riesce a dare sbocco politico istituzionale a lotte e movimenti che crescono nel territorio.
Nasce da qui l’espulsione del conflitto dalle istituzioni, da qui l’espulsione della sinistra dal Parlamento.
Siamo perciò di fronte a un lavoro di analisi e di ricostruzione di legami organizzativi e di radicamento sociale di lunga durata, che ha bisogno subito però di unità. Non c’è rappresentanza nel Parlamento, e questo è molto grave, ma rimane una fitta rete di donne e uomini militanti nel territorio che si salda con i livelli istituzionali locali e che non può essere dispersa in mille rivoli di diverse e rissose esperienze politiche. Militanza, saperi conoscenza del territorio delle contraddizioni social and workplace networking that goes back to the road of struggle and testing.
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